Gender, Livestock and Household Peasant Production: Dairy and Diversification in Crop-Livestock Systems of an Andean Community

LITERATURE REVIEW

Peasant Household Production Systems

Peasant household production systems are defined by a series of characteristics that differentiate them from commercial operations. A first characteristic (Ellis, 1989) relates to the relationship between production and consumption, where production and consumption decisions are interlinked, and household goods can become capital goods and viceversa. Labor is a resource mainly supplied by the family, and the viability of the household depends on the successes of the economic enterprises (Cotlear, 1989). Non-market forms of economic interaction between households within peasant communities are prevalent (Ellis, 1989). Differences exist between property and access to resources. Households face economic and environmental risk. Disaster avoidance is considered to be their first priority, also referred to as a "safety first" attitude (Ellis,1989). Partial market integration prevails with some economic activities depending on markets while others' main purpose is subsistence. The literature also refers to these economic units as "traditional" or "subsistence" economies. Highland peasant economies base their livelihood on diversification of crop and livestock activities, and off-farm activities. Altitude, quality of resources, mechanisms to access these resources, and distance to markets shape the economic enterprises. Cropping and livestock patterns are designed to increase family security. Risk reduction strategies in peasant economies achieve security at the expense of lower returns (Ellis, 1989). Adoption of new technologies, perceived to be riskier (unstable input markets, uncertain outcomes, price variability) tend to be adopted by wealthier groups who are in a position to sustain losses. Anderson and Dillon writing on dryland farming systems state that risk management includes diversity, flexibility, productivity and stability considerations. Social mechanisms exist that allow the reproduction and persistence of peasant households (Jetté et al. 1994; Cala, 1994; Espejo, 1995). Research on access to land and animals in San José Llanga has shown that non-market relations allow access to resources. Although there are differences in the quantity of land owned, the amount that each family accesses is similar (Cala, 1994).

Intra household Decisions and Income

Economists customarily treat the household as a single decision-making entity, possessing a unified objective and facing a single constraint set. In other words, the family is assumed to behave as did the three musketeers, whose motto was "one for all and all for one." While this approach has proven useful in many contexts, empirical evidence suggests that it may not always be appropriate in the study of how households are integrated into the market during the development process. In fact, modeling the household as a single decision maker in this context precludes an analysis of intra-household effects. It has also resulted in such well-known empirical paradoxes as the observation that increases in household income can be accompanied by stagnant or declining child nutrition. Gender division of labor refers to the allocation of tasks in a peasant household as being socially defined. Ellis points out that given subordination of women in most peasant societies, and their main role as providers for the subsistence and reproduction of the household, that perceptions of risk may differ. Preference by women towards defending the subsistence base will differ from men's preference towards cash activities over which they have spending power.

Empirical evidence exists of need for intrahousehold analysis. Lack of an intra-household perspective in the formulation and implementation of policies can result in a failure to reach targeted policy goals. For example, policies that ignore differences in household members' behavior have failed to reach the children of developing countries (Haddad, 1992). It is important to understand differences in expenditure patterns between men and women (Hoddinott, 1992), since the allocation of income to women can increase the chances of child survival by a factor of twenty (Thomas, 1992) and there is a relationship between the share of income allocated to the wife and the share of expenditures on commodities (Desai, 1992). This issue has relevance for the SR-CRSP findings because research has shown that women are responsible for raising small ruminants in Peru, Bolivia and Kenya (Martínez and Barrera, 1989; Sherbourne et al., 1995; Sheikh, 1992), and these animals are used for both consumption and savings. Our research must address questions such as, "Are the sales of sheep stable in SJL?" "Is the income used for food purchases?"

These studies provide evidence that an increase in overall economic activity may not necessarily lead to an increase in the well being of all family members. In the case of the agropastoral system in San José Llanga, preliminary studies indicate that the sheep enterprise falls within the realm of women. Empirical evidence has shown that much of the sheep enterprise is women's domain in other crop-livestock systems (Fernández 1989; Martínez and Barrera 1989). If income generated from this enterprise is under the control of women, who use it to purchase food and household goods, the consequences of adding a new enterprise, such as dairy, that competes for productive resources may imply different purchasing decisions and consequences for the household members. Estimation and prediction of commodity demand should include information on separate non-wage incomes and extrahousehold environmental parameters (threat points, such as inability to generate income in event of household dissolution), because these influence women's economic independence, their increased bargaining position in the family, and the family's well being.

Risk, Market Integration and Food Security

Diversification in production and income alternatives is a strategy of drought-prone environments (Browman, 1987) to minimize the effects of climatic risk. Access to labor markets especially benefit the young, and is a stable source of income in times of drought (Low, 1986). Other types of risk exist for peasant households, among them price variability, unstable policies, and political change.

Several levels of market integration are found in peasant household economies, through partial sale of labor (seasonal migration), sales of some commodities, and production of others for consumption. Occasional purchases of inputs for agriculture and purchases of foods and energy sources from the markets reflect this selective integration, as well as the quality of production for consumption and marketed jointly (Ellis, 1989).

Peasant households produce for both consumption and sales, and decisions regarding the allocation of resources affect both. In areas where market access is not guaranteed, producers rely heavily on self-supplied food. In the case of crop-livestock systems animals, reduce the levels of production risk thereby increasing food security.

SR-CRSP University of Missouri http://www.ssu.missouri.edu/ssu/srcrsp 961008